Africa and the WSF: From Bamako 2006 to Nairobi 2007
By Karoline Kemp and Patrick Burnett, Fahamu and Joy Olivier
Organisers hailed the first phase of the World Social
Forum (WSF), which ended on Monday in the Malian capital of Bamako, as
having created an "Afrocentric" focus that was missing in previous
forums. Quoted by IPS, coordinator Mamadou Goita said: "This is the
first time we have had a majority of Africans attending a WSF. Usually
there have been less than 100 African NGOs (non-governmental
organisations) at any of the other WSFs. It was too expensive for most
Africans to travel to Porto Alegre or Mumbai." But after nearly six
years, where has the WSF come to? Pambazuka News provides questions and
answers about the movement that seeks to challenge corporate
globalisation.
1. The WSF has been around since 2001. Where is it
now and what happened this year?
The World Social Forum changed its format this year.
Instead of one centralized meeting (which until now have been held
alternatively in Mumbai, India and Porto Alegre, Brazil), several
polycentric events took place. Caracas, Venezuela; Bamako, Mali and
Karachi, Pakistan will all host the WSF in January, 2006.
This has been an important progression in the history
of the forum, as it serves to expand access to the forum by making it
easier for activists and civil society players to participate. The forum
thus claims to "offer to progressive forces in Africa a very first
opportunity, following to the huge range of popular resistances during
the nineties, to significantly set their fights and their alternatives
in a global seeking of the construction of a fair world with more
solidarity and respectful of People's sovereignty."
The goal of the WSF is not to produce agreements on
specific policy positions but to offer a space for dialogue and
engagement, with resources to strategise, network and plan joint
ventures for the future. It has been successful in creating a loose
network of forces around the world who advocate for social, political
and economic justice. It has often been called an "anti-globalisation"
movement, but is in fact one of the most globalised movements in the
history of social justice.
The movement has been criticised, however, as simply a
popularized gathering of wealthy NGOs and funders. Past forums have also
been dominated by certain interests, leading to debates about whether
the WSF represents revolutionaries or reformists. The WSF is anti-
globalisation, anti-war, etc. This has also been criticised, leaving
many people to question the process of the WSF which is characterised by
endless debate and pose questions such as: What is the WSF for? What
solutions does the WSF offer? How can the movement move forward, rather
than simply critiquing social, political and economic problems as they
exist? Further criticisms of the forum focus on the lack of structure or
organisational support – whether it be the complicated and often
non-functioning website, poor planning at the actual event or the need
for more support for participants.
2. There seems to be a lot of criticism over its
form, structure and decision making. What does this involve?
The WSF is popularly characterized by a reputation of
embodying a complex and confusing decision making process. In order to
preserve the plural and open consensus style that is the mandate of the
forum, the goal of creating a bottom-up, grassroots event is often
planned in an extremely heavy handed, top down manner. Some critics
argue that the WSF is not transparent or accountable, let alone
democratic and that their Charter of Principles, size, lack of resources
and goals of planning massive events make organizing unmanageable. The
numerous organisations and individuals involved also offer competing
views and ideas, adding to the layers of difficulty in planning such an
event.
3. What were the focus areas in Bamako this
year?
Each year the WSF appoints thematic areas. This year,
in Bamako, 10 were chosen. Topics included war and militarisation,
security and peace; globalised neoliberalism; aggression against
peasantry; the alliance between patriarchal and neo-liberal systems;
culture, media and communication; destruction of ecosystems, biological
diversity and resources control; international order and the role of the
UN; international trade, debt and economic and social policies; social
fights, human rights, social organisations and political rights;
alternatives. The areas to be discussed are meant to be kept quite
loose, and can be kept extremely localised or made to be more general
depending on the needs of the participants.
4. What does the WSF mean for Africa?
Africa will commemorate the 200th anniversary of the
abolition of the slave trade in 2007 and the 50th anniversary of the
independence of Ghana. It's also a year in which the World Social Forum
will be hosed in Nairobi, Kenya, so the Bamako forum offers the
potential for the WSF to entrench itself in Africa ahead of 2007. Malian
author and social activist Dr Aminata Dramane Traoré has pointed out
that the polycentric organisation of the forum is the first step in the
process of rooting the WSF in Africa and mobilizing those people on the
continent who have been hardest hit by globalization (http://
www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/wsf2006/viewstory.asp?idnews=442) In the same
interview, she went on to say: "Holding the WSF in Africa will increase
African awareness as far as the link between poverty and globalisation
is concerned. Also, Africans will feel more connected to the process
than if it were being held elsewhere." The Bamako Forum has also
provided the space for groups from around Africa to articulate their
concerns, with the Ogoni people from Nigeria and the Yaaku community in
Kenya reported to have made their case in Bamako
(http://www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/wsf2006/views tory.asp?idnews=476) , and
sessions dedicating to discussing the issue of land bringing together
groups from around the continent (http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/
default.asp?2,40,5,925).
5. What global solutions is the WSF generating?
The WSF attracts thousands of people from across the
world who work in many different areas and have diverse outlooks, not
only about the problems that the world faces, but also in their beliefs
about how these problems should be tackled. This has made the
articulation of united policy positions difficult and therefore led to
frustration in some quarters that while there is a great deal of
marching, singing and slogan shouting, nothing much seems to come out of
the effort (http://www.opendemocracy.net/globalization-w
orld/wsf_3211.jsp) . Certainly, after six years of existence, its
possible to detect a degree of cynicism from veteran WSF travelers that
they've heard the same speeches a number of times before. Moreover,
while the forums have provided an area for meeting and debate, there's
no discernable change to a world where neo-liberalism runs riot and
poverty deepens by the day. Before this year's forum there were calls
from the likes of Civicus Secretary General Kumi Naidoo for "different
civil society actors to find common ground, engage in joint
strategising, and plan joint activities for the future"
(http://www.ipsterraviva.net/tv/ wsf2006/views tory.asp?idnews=462) .
But, says founders of the forum, this is not what the forum was intended
for in the first place. "The primary purpose of the forum is to create a
space for free dialogue between social movements, and that its openness
should not be compromised by confining participants to any narrow
statement of intent," says Chico Whitaker in an article on
www.opendemocracy.net
6. Who Funds the WSF?
It's very difficult to determine who pays for the WSF:
The website cites no sponsors, and it is hard to find any organisations
or funding bodies highlighting their role as sponsors. The WSF charter
is silent regarding what kinds of international sources of funding may
be tapped. The registration fees are minimal. All organisations
participating in the WSF are asked to contribute towards a translation
solidarity fund, which is intended to help cover the WSF's translation
budget.
There is some mention of a funding policy for the WSF
held in India, such as the limit of Rs. 25 lakhs limit per donor being
raised to Rs. 50 lakhs for WSF 2004. The WSF India website also mentions
plans to approach state, local administration, authorities and public
bodies to providing facilities free or at subsidised rates and to hold
cultural events "with discretion" to raise funds. According to the WSF
Charter as adopted in India, the WSF can seek funds from Indian industry
and commerce.
Although it appears from the WSF India website that
some foreign funding would be raised and managed, Kukke and Shah
(http:// www.samarmagazine.org/archive/article .php?id=148) claim that a
decision was taken not to accept foreign funds, and that all funding
needs would be "addressed by the local organisations that had come
together to host the event”.
7. Are grassroots organisations represented?
The question of grassroots representation is quite
closely tied with those around funding. Organisations working on the
ground are usually far more cash-strapped than those that network,
train, research or sponsor them, and the former usually (hopefully)
spend their money largely on meeting the direct needs of their
beneficiaries. Several private foundations did manage to sponsor
representatives of grassroots women's organisations to attend the events
in Bamako, enabling many to make voices heard that are frequently absent
in international 'jamborees'.
Sending representatives to WSF meetings is thus only
possible with sponsorship, and again, it is difficult to find
information about where to go about applying for travel and
accommodation grants. This, together with the fact that air travel
within Africa is often prohibitively expensive, leaves grassroots
organisations based in the country where the WSF is held. However, the
relationships between Northern NGOs and African movements are seldom
balanced. According to Njoke Njehu: "Governments tend to listen first to
the IFI's and to international NGO's before they listen to their own
civil society."
http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/advocacy/conf/2006/0126africa.htm
Published on ASF on july
2006 |